Effects of Imperialism on Society Essay -- Politics, Power, Authority,

As the 21st century begins, the economic infrastructure of the Globe continues to feel the lasting affects of Imperialism in the 20th century and beyond. During the previous century there were two key characters, Germany and the United States, who both played a vital role in producing the economic setting we have today. The use of Imperialist policies in Germany, specifically leading up to and during the Nazi regime, and the United states, specifically in the Post-WWII era, would dictate much of how our present economic system would function. In previous centuries, these flawed policies of imperialism offered a tactless criterion which industrializing nations were to use if at all interested in accumulating wealth or having access to the Global market. These policies called for the domination and exploitation of other nations thereby contributing to the formation of the list of nations we refer to today as the â€Å"the Third World†. Although colonialism and most forms of imp erialism have formally been eradicated since the 1950s, the affects can clearly be seen lingering within International markets and the Global structure. A thorough understanding of imperialism and its effects on todays societies must be preceded by a firm understanding of its definition and familiarity with its history. As with almost any -ism it is very difficult to clearly define exactly what imperialism is, but the Merriam-Webster Dictionary broadly defines it as being: the extension or imposition of power, authority, or influence. It is difficult to pinpoint exactly when imperialism was first implemented, but again this is simply because of the diversity of definitions among opposing groups. Despite its shiftiness, there is a generally understood answer to ... ... the world and as a result have left billions below the poverty line. The unfortunate thing is that the imperialist ideology does less for the working class and more for the capitalist class which is considered to be the â€Å"governor of the imperial engine†. In reality it simply does not make sense for the nation but makes total sense for the financial interest of the minority (Magdoff 34). Imperialist policy has lingered in our society with nation being subjugate to other nations through the economy and politics lean up. But emancipation is possible through questions and democracy, as Alexis de Tocqueville once said â€Å" vigilance is the price of liberty, independent and vigorous criticism is the only safeguard of our liberties† (Winslow 460). It is said that to be a super power, one must remain imperialistic but for the sake of we should try to find other alternatives.

Why do Middle Eastern and North African countries?

Joseph Waweru Why do Middle Eastern and North African countries lack democratic governments? Is it the Arabic language or the Muslim faith? Columbia University scholars, Alfred Stephan and Graeme B. Robertson, seem to have the answers. In regards to Arabism and Islam, the duo classifies nations associated with the former as democratic â€Å"underachievers† and the latter as â€Å"overachievers†. A state’s classification as an overachiever/underachiever is based upon their Gross Domestic Product Per Capita (GDPpc).In addition, they observe political rights on a scale to help them determine which states exhibit â€Å"electoral competitiveness. † They structure their argument into three phases: quantitative, qualitative, and implications of the prior phases’ results. Finally, Stephan and Robertson offer possible solutions and scenarios that must take place in order for the political atmosphere in Arab countries to transform. The data used comes from th e Freedom in the World: The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties by Freedom House and Ted Gurr’s Polity Project.The year 1972 is chosen as the suitable year to compare the data from both sources. Freedom in the World ranks nations on a scale of 1-7 whereas 1 is the highest and 7 is the lowest. Nations that are ranked 3 (and above) are considered â€Å"electoral competitive†. The Polity Project ranks nations from strong autocratic (-10) to strong democratic (+10). Nations that are ranked at least (+4) are classified as â€Å"electoral competitive†. What constitutes as â€Å"electoral competitive? † According to the duo, government positions must be filled through fair elections.Governments like Egypt cannot bar individuals and parties from participating in elections. Secondly, high government positions should be filled with individuals who are elected though fair means, unlike Lebanon, whose executive and parliamentary government is author itarian. In addition, a nation must meet these criteria for at least three years to be considered electorally competitive. They also emphasize that electoral competitiveness is not democracy but a prerequisite for it. The use of â€Å"Arabic† and â€Å"Muslim† interchangeably reflect the common misconception that the two words mean the same; they do not.The former represents regions that speak Arabic and the latter represents regions that practice Islam. Using this template, Stephan and Robertson group their findings into: Arab Muslim, Arab non-Muslim, and non-Arab Muslim-majority. From the onset, we notice that Arab countries have relatively weak political and electoral rights. Only Lebanon, one of the sixteen Arab countries and coincidentally the only Muslim-majority state in this group, had three years of consecutive strong electoral rights. No Arab country had five years of consecutive strong political rights (32).On the contrary, 38% of the thirty non-Arab Muslim countries examined had strong political and electoral rights for three consecutive years while 27% of the same group went for five consecutive years. The likelihood of a non-Arab Muslim country to be â€Å"electoral competitive† was 2000% higher than an Arab Muslim state. This extensive gap reiterates the authors claim that Arab states are associated with the lack of democratic zeal. In the quantitative phase, Stephan and Robertson examine GDPpc. They search for a link between levels of income and political rights.They characterize them as follows: Non-Arab Muslim states whose GDPpc is under $1500 are great electoral overachievers, those that are under $3500 are electorally non-competitive and those that are over $5500 are electorally competitive. There are no electoral underachievers within this group. For Arab Muslim states, there is not a country whose GDPpc is below $3500. In addition, there are neither great electoral achievers nor electoral competitive states. In fact, 44% of the countries in this group are electoral underachievers and their GDPpc is over $5500.They assert that there is no Muslim gap in regards to political rights. The qualitative phase deals with the nature of government. They state that in non-Arab Muslim countries, like Senegal, Turkey, and Niger, powerful incumbents have been voted out of office by constituents. Niger is an interesting case since its GDPpc is equal to that of Yemen, an Arab majority state, yet it’s ranked (+4) and Yemen ranked (-2) on the Polity Project scale. In addition, Arab countries are classified into three groups: complete autocratic states, liberalizing, and those that once showed promise to be democratic.The authors suggest that election bans, coercion, fraud, civil war, and military coups are to blame for the lack of democratic governments in Arab countries. The findings of Stephan and Robertson also seem to counter prior arguments made by other scholars. For example, it is thought that econom ic development leads to democracy because development correlates with greater political participation. The authors disagree with this notion. They compare political participation between India and the United States and conclude that the poor members of the former are more politically involved than those of the latter.They also disagree with the theory that differences in languages and ethnicities within a society are detrimental to democracy. They claim that â€Å"electoral competitive† states actually began with the high levels of ethnolinguistic fragmentation while â€Å"electoral non-competitive† states had low levels. In conclusion, Stephan and Robertson believe the electoral gap is an Arab one, not Muslim. Factors such as their heritage to the Ottoman Empire and their failure to transition from authoritarian government explain the gap.In addition, they believe that if the Arab world recognized each other as legitimate and sovereign nations and if military spending was reduced in favor for domestic improvement, then democracy should form in the region. They believe democracy will be achieved through internal means rather than external. And they are right. Eight years after this essay was written, Arab countries like Libya, Yemen, Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and Morocco are becoming democratic mainly due to internal pressures.

Film Analysis Of Troy - 2026 Words

Film Review Sheet I. Introduction Troy directed by Wolfgang Petersen and was is written by David Benioff is a American epic period war film released in 2004. The movie length is 186 minutes. It is loosely based on Homer s Iliad in its narration of the entire story of the decade-long Trojan War - condensed into little more than a couple of weeks - rather than just the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon in the ninth year. Achilles leads his Myrmidons along with the rest of the Greek army invading the historical city of Troy, defended by Hector s Trojan army. The end of the film (the sack of Troy) is not taken from the Iliad, but rather from Virgil s Aeneid as the Iliad concludes with Hector s death and funeral. Genre: war, action,†¦show more content†¦Rising action: The next morning the Greeks march on Troy, and Paris challenge Menelaus to single combat, the winner talking Helen home to settle the conflict. Agamemnon initially refuses and tells Menelaus he came for Troy not for Helen. Menelaus convinces Agamemnon to agree to Paris challenge planning to attack Troy after Paris is dead. Menelaus handily defeats the inexperienced Paris but is killed by an intervening Hector after Paris cowardly retreat. A furious Agamemnon orders his troops to attack, but are easily repelled by the Trojan force. In the aftermath of the battle, Nestor and Odysseus persuade Agamemnon to make peace with Achilles, as the Greeks are hopeless in the battle without him. Greek soldiers attempt to rape Briseis but she is saved by Achilles. That night, Achilles talks to Briseis about the gods and taunt her about becoming a priestess. Falling Action: While troy mourns Hector’s death, Agamemnon over the truce, despite the walls still being unbreachable. 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